Remember the Combative Christ During Holy Week

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Published: 01 April 2026

Remember the Combative Christ During Holy Week

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A dangerous distortion has crept into Christian theology across Catholic, Protestant, and Orthodox traditions alike. Jesus is recast as a passive, non-violent conformist—soft-spoken, endlessly tolerant, a gentle shepherd who never raised His voice or challenged the status quo. This caricature serves a purpose: it neuters the Gospel’s call to confront evil and comforts those who prefer a faith that never offends, never fights, never draws a line. Yet the historical record of Holy Week shatters this illusion. Jesus Christ was neither passive nor conformist. He was a warrior for truth, intolerant of evildoers and their enablers, and He displayed that combativeness with unmistakable clarity from Palm Sunday to Good Friday. Far from a docile figure, He embodied the very spirit of righteous confrontation that Scripture demands of every believer.

Jesus was Himself a Jew, born into the majoritarian Jewish population of first-century Judea. So were His disciples. They lived and worshiped within the covenant God made with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. Their mission was not to reject Judaism but to fulfill its prophecies. The established high priests, scribes, Pharisees, and Sadducees—who claimed to speak for the faith—had become the very hypocrites Jesus exposed. They did not represent the faithful remnant of Israel. They represented a corrupt religious elite that had traded divine authority for political power and financial gain. Jesus came to call His own people back to authentic covenant fidelity while simultaneously extending salvation to the nations. Christianity, born from Judaism, is therefore not anti-Jewish. It is the completion of Israel’s story. But completion required confrontation. 

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Published: 27 March 2026

Helms-Burton Locks in Regime Change for Cuba

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As Donald J. Trump advances his second term with a bold initiative in Cuba, Secretary of State Marco Rubio is playing a central role in crafting U.S. foreign policy. The administration has already escalated pressure through a sweeping oil blockade. U.S. authorities are actively blocking oil shipments to the regime—via seizures of tankers, threats of tariffs on any nation supplying fuel, and targeted sanctions—while allowing limited deliveries to Cuba’s non-state sector to avoid societal collapse, even if these actors are regime-connected.

This maximum-pressure campaign has intensified the island’s energy crisis, yet speculation persists in some quarters about possible future economic liberalization or similar deals with Havana., without instituting radical political changes Some fear premature easing of sanctions; others hope for quick relief. Both groups should rest easy. Any American president, including Trump, is strictly bound by the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act of 1996—better known as the Helms-Burton Law. This statute codifies the U.S. embargo into law and makes its lifting contingent on verifiable, irreversible democratic reforms in Cuba. No executive whim, no back-channel deal, no “humanitarian” exception can bypass it without triggering legal and congressional roadblocks.

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Published: 22 March 2026

Cuba’s New “Investment” Law: Castroism’s Piñata

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On March 16, 2026, communist Cuba’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Trade and Investment, Oscar Pérez-Oliva Fraga, announced a sweeping change. Cubans living abroad—regardless of residency status—may now invest in, own, and partner in private businesses on the island, including larger infrastructure projects. The Castro regime framed it as an opening to the diaspora. In reality, this decree is the opening act of a carefully orchestrated wealth-transfer heist designed to launder the Castro-Communism’s hidden offshore billions back onto the island under the guise of “legal” private investment. It is Cuba’s transition into Putinism.

The parallels with post-Soviet Russia are unmistakable. After the USSR collapsed, the nomenklatura—high-ranking Communist Party officials, their families, and the security apparatus—engineered a fraudulent “privatization” scheme. State assets were auctioned at fire-sale prices to insiders who had already siphoned wealth abroad through front companies. The result was not capitalism but kleptocracy: a new oligarch class drawn directly from the old regime. Cuba is now replicating that model. Regime insiders who parked fortunes in offshore vehicles will soon “invest” those same funds back home, acquiring legal title to businesses while ordinary Cubans remain trapped in poverty. The dictatorship’s own financial architecture makes the scheme possible. 

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Published: 14 March 2026

U.S. Force, or Threat of it, Must Be Used in Cuba

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Cuba is not merely authoritarian. It is a totalitarian regime. For over six decades, the Castro-Communist apparatus has exercised total control over every sphere of Cuban life: political, economic, cultural, and personal. Unlike authoritarian systems that tolerate limited private spheres or gradual openings, totalitarianism in Cuba demands absolute ideological conformity and the eradication of independent civil society. This distinction is not semantic. It is decisive. Transitions to genuine democracy from totalitarian regimes require a complete overhaul of the political sphere. Half-measures that focus on economic tweaks here and limited private enterprise there do not erode the foundations of power. Instead, they entrench the dictatorship by providing it with new resources and legitimacy.

History proves this point. Economic reforms without radical political change and the establishment of the rule of law only solidify totalitarian control. China, Vietnam, and Russia are examples. The regime’s survival strategy has always been to extract concessions from the West while preserving its monopoly on violence and ideology. Today, Castro-Communism is buying time. It hopes to dupe the Trump administration into believing that dialogue and incremental gestures will lead to power-sharing. This is a delusion. The dictatorship will never voluntarily relinquish control. The mere credible threat of viable military action—or the action itself—remains the only mechanism capable of forcing an end to the regime. 

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