Articles by Julio M. Shiling

An Argentinian Opportunity

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The upcoming election in Argentina offers the South American giant a golden opportunity to change course and depart from the control of Peronist hegemony. With the third-largest economy in Latin America (after Brazil and México), a highly educated and capable workforce, and an abundance of natural resources, Argentina has been held captive for many years by toxic left-wing dogma that has decimated living standards for Argentinians. Two of the three front-runners in the October 22 election promise to chart a different course. Javier Milei, the leading candidate, appears firmer in potentially completing the task since his commitment to dismantle statism is ideologically deep-rooted.

Argentina entered the 20^th century as a prosperous country. In 1913, it was wealthier than Germany, France, Spain, and a host of other first-world nations. Before the 1930s, it fluctuated in standing among the top ten global economies. The available 2023 data places Argentina, as measured by GDP, in the 23rd spot in the world. This is over 100% less than where it stood at the beginning of the last century. Why the shrinkage?

It is not just a matter of sluggish economic growth. Inflation, a proven menace that impoverishes living standards and siphons wealth as a hidden tax, has vexed Argentinians for generations. We are talking about double-digit inflation. Additionally, this combined malaise of sedated growth and high inflation has caused its currency to plummet. The basket case of prosperity that Argentina once was has been relegated to the history books.  When did this downward spiral begin?

 

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What Israel Must Do

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The largest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust has unfolded. If avoiding the repetition of historical calamities is to mean anything, the latest attack on Israel by the Iran-backed Hamas regime that controls Gaza as a de facto state must be comprehensively challenged. No shortcuts or limited engagement options are advisable. This will require a steadfast resolve by the Israeli government and people to supersede the political heckling and moral chastising (from many immoral entities) they will receive for the warranted response they must give.

The decision to invade Israel was executed, not merely, by a band of rogue Islamic terrorists. Yes, the invaders were agents of terror with adhesion to Islam, but they are also the Palestinian autonomous governing body in Gaza. Questions of the Hamas regime’s legitimacy and whether they have the genuine support of Palestinian Gazans are moot points. The road to potential Palestinian statehood, a tacit objective of the Oslo Accords (1993–1995) in the quest for a two-state solution, was a grand opportunity to demonstrate the ability to practice civil behavior. The Palestinian political leadership was presented with democratic mechanisms for localized self-rule. This was to be an important opportunity to test their ability to live in democracy and peaceful coexistence with neighboring Israel.

In 2007, a five-day civil war called the Battle of Gaza was waged between the two principal Palestinian political forces. On one side was Fatah, a moderate social democratic party (formerly the Palestinian National Liberation Movement, a faction of the PLO), and on the other was Hamas. The Oslo Accords established two Palestinian autonomous zones: Gaza and the West Bank. After the power struggle, Hamas monopolized control in Gaza, and Fatah abandoned the governing coalition in the strip and left for the West Bank, where they would have jurisdiction over cities such as Bethlehem, Hebron, and Jericho (among others). The former does not recognize the state of Israel. The latter does. Additionally, not only does Hamas, and consequently, the Gaza quasi-state, not acknowledge Israeli legitimacy, but they are categorically committed to its destruction. In other words, the Hamas regime has been involved in a war against Israel since 2006.

 

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Social Rights and Cuban Kleptocracy

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Social rights are part of the second-generation family of human rights. They are acquired, not inherent or preeminent. Civil and political rights constitute the first-generation group and are more in line with natural law, particularly when notions of consensual government are factored in.  Non-democratic regimes have consistently pontified on social rights as their basis of legitimacy. Such claims, of course, depend on impressive socio-economic results. What happens when oppression and the scarcity of liberties cannot be excused by purported social “advancements”? The 2023 VI Report of the State of Social Rights in Cuba (Report), issued by the Observatorio Cubano de Derechos Humanos (OCDH) (“Cuban Human Rights Observatory”), lends important data to the matter of these rights. This is seminal considering that dictatorships have long used them to prompt legitimation prerogatives. The Cuban regime has methodically utilized this discourse.

The research for the study was conducted in 75 municipalities within all of Cuba’s provinces and consisted of 1,354 personal interviews. The information confirmed in the OCDH work cites a deterioration of basic conditions in all areas that impact life in Cuba. Things have gone from bad to worse. The Report points out that those who fare better enjoy greater leverage with the regime, judged by income. Remittances, a form of external subsidies from family members outside the country, are also a determinant factor. Thus, the exodus of Cuba’s youth is the island’s fastest-growing industry. 

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Does the U.S. Have Political Prisoners?

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There is a consensus, for the most part, as to what constitutes a political prisoner. Ideological inclinations, however, often stand in the way of proper categorization. Movements or regimes that subscribe to nondemocratic political religions, such as Communism, Nazism, Fascism, or Islamism, misplace the truth when it comes to this point. The mentioned radical ideologies, when in power, operate without the rule of law and basic civil liberties. Thus, they are rendered mute on this question. But, what about political prisoners in a democracy? Can they exist, or do they exist, for example, in the United States today?

The recent long prison sentences handed down to the leadership of the Proud Boys and the Oath Keepers, who, according to the Biden Department of Justice (DOJ), were at the hierarchical top of the unlawful January 6 (J6) Capitol Building breach, have many people posing the same question. “Seditious conspiracy” was the charge that they faced. This is a criminal indictment underpinned by the premise that there was a premeditated plot to violently overthrow the U.S. government. This code is just one step below "treason,” which potentially carries a death sentence. Henry “Enrique” Tarrio Jr., a mulatto (or black) Cuban American, former chairman of the Proud Boys, and former leader of Latinos for Trump, received a 22-year jail term. Of the other Proud Boys members, Ethan Nordean was sentenced to 18 years, Joseph Biggs to 17 years, Zachary Rehl received 15 years, and 10 years was given to Dominic Pezzola. Oath Keepers founder Elmer Stewart Rhodes III was sentenced to 18 years in jail.  Was this warranted? Historical context will help answer this. 

Who Are the Proud Boys

The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), a far-left advocacy organization, has designated the Proud Boys a “hate” group. Considering the ties the SPLC has with Antifa, an Anarcho-Marxist movement, their customary prejudice against conservative movements in general disqualifies them from labeling anyone, despite the popularity they enjoy with the Left. Moms for Liberty, a grassroots conservative non-profit organization that defends parents’ rights and opposes Marxist-based school curricula, for example, has also been on the SPLC hit list.

 

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