Segregation, Inequality, and Racism is Back in America.
Most blacks in the U.S. consider the Star-Spangled Banner their national anthem.
The United States fought a civil war to amend the wrong of what civil rights leader Robert Woodson called, Americaâs âbirth defectâ. Over 650,000 American deaths in that armed conflict, including the assassination of a paradigmatic president (Abraham Lincoln), was the life cost to abolish slavery and save the Republic
The Reconstruction Amendments following this seminal national conflict (13th, 14th, and 15th) were adopted to establish the safeguards to assure that equality, a natural right structurally incrusted in Americaâs founding values, would be institutionalized for all. An ensuing âseparate but equalâ legal doctrine, however, permitted and enforced racial segregation, thereby debilitating the notion of equality. One hundred years later, comprehensive civil rights legislation, ended this unfortunate practice. Now Marxist elites, woke businesses, with the acquiescence of the Biden-Harris administration and the Democratic Party are bringing segregation, inequality, and racism back.
Legalized segregation, popularly known as Jim Crow laws, have their origin in the Plessy v. Ferguson Supreme Court (SCOTUS) case of 1896. This emblematic Court ruling determined that, if equal, racially separate facilities did not discriminate or violate the Constitution. Martin Luther King (MLK) epitomized the struggle that sought challenge these injustices. The point was to make America better, not deconstructed. The epistemological base for MLK and the civil rights movement of the 1960âs, was the Bible, the Declaration of Independence (Declaration) and earlier American foundational documents
Only a full application of natural rights for all would be in tune with the Declaration and the Biblical Judeo-Christian underpinnings that shaped America and to which all the Founding Fathers subscribed.
The Civil Rights 1968 slogan âI am a manâ was clearly consistent with the premise of equality, as understood within the republican socio-political model. Considerations of âequityâ dependent upon victimology to develop privileged group categories that suppress others was antithetical to MLKâs fight.
As a result of the fall of Soviet communism, alternatives to classical Marxism were pursued by leftist intellectuals and radical revolutionaries. Products of cultural Marxism such as the Frankfurt Schoolâs Critical Theory (CT) and Antonio Gramsciâs Cultural Hegemony became the predominant option to continue the communist war against religion, traditional family, nation, middle class, and capitalism. As of 1989, CT variants such as Critical Race Theory (CRT), Critical Feminist Theory, Gender Ideology, Critical Queer Theory, etc., inundated American universities.
These grievance study programs part from a CT framework that envisions a total demolishment of the existing system, as a prerequisite for âliberationâ. The difference between centers of higher learning and indoctrination factories blurred. The death of George Floyd and the subsequent socialist urban rebellion that lasted for six months (May-November 2020) deepened the liberticidal penetration of CRT across Americaâs institutions.
More than three decades of CT programming in schools, academia, media, courts, and the workplace, along with the violent Black Lives Matter/Antifa 2020 insurrection has displaced the notion of racism and embraced segregation. The practice of employee mandatory training labeled as âequityâ, âinclusionâ, and âwhite privilegeâ courses being carried out in many of Americaâs most relevant companies are imposing this Marxist-skewed interpretation of social relations in separate quarters, to asseverate âsafeâ spaces for black or brown workers from their white counterparts.
This is discriminatory and destroys the principle of racial equality. Why we are not seeing lawsuits premised upon the violation of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, can only be explained because of the lack of political will.
The National Football Leagueâs (NFL) decision to coequally play the nationâs âStar-Spangled Bannerâ National Anthem (1814) with the âLift Every Voice and Singâ (1900), known as the âblack national anthemâ, at the initiation of games, undermines the very notion of inclusiveness and equality. This form of segregation is fundamentally discriminatory. Why shouldnât German Americans, Greek Americans, Cuban Americans, Venezuelan Americans, Colombian Americans, etc., hear their national anthems? The answer is simple. This has nothing to do with inclusion or even race for that matter.
The NFLâ s decision, as well as that of other woke American businesses, is based on ideological subjugation. Blacks that do not agree with the underlying Marxist CRT narrative are not considered ârealâ blacks. They are labeled by the left as being internally repressed by white supremacy subconsciousness. The sincere espousal of CRT dogma by some of these CEOâs is brought into question, given the bully-style tactics that many of these special interest movements operate by.
The similarity between the practice of organized crime in securing funds from businesses in exchange for âprotectionâ, and that exercised by todays woke companies that follow Marxist dictums to avoid being as âracistâ or âphobicâ and viciously attacked by these professional revolutionary lobbying entities, is compelling.
âLift Every Voice and Singâ was written by James Weldon Johnson, a black American who served in the Theodore Roosevelt administration. The song, structured originally as a poem, was conceived as a tribute to Abraham Lincoln for the purpose of a commemoration of the Great Emancipatorâs birth date. It is quite feasible that Johnson would deplore the use of his work for socialist endeavors. Most blacks in the U.S. consider the Star-Spangled Banner as their national anthem. These inroads to destroy the American Republic by promoting segregation, instilling racist tendencies, and advocating black supremacy by way of âequityâ semantic trickery, will not fool most Americans.
ŠThe Cuban American Voice. Originally published in @El American. All rights reserved.
đď¸Author Julio M. Shiling
Julio M. Shiling is a political scientist, writer, columnist, lecturer, media commentator, and director of Patria de MartĂ and The CubanAmerican Voice. He holds a masterâs degree in Political Science from Florida International University (FIU) in Miami, Florida. He is a member of The American Political Science Association, The PEN Club (Cuban Writers in Exile Chapter) and the Academy of Cuban History in Exile.

